When Wilson signed the Federal Reserve Act on December 23, 1913, he said he felt grateful for having had a part "in completing a work ... of lasting benefit for the country,"
[22] knowing that it took a great deal of compromise and expenditure of his own political capital to get it enacted. This was in keeping with the general plan of action he made in his First Inaugural Address on March 4, 1913, in which he stated:
We shall deal with our economic system as it is and as it may be modified, not as it might be if we had a clean sheet of paper to write upon; and step-by-step we shall make it what it should be, in the spirit of those who question their own wisdom and seek counsel and knowledge, not shallow self-satisfaction or the excitement of excursions we can not tell.
[23]
While a system of 12 regional banks was designed so as not to give eastern bankers too much influence over the new bank, in practice, the
Federal Reserve Bank of New York became "
first among equals". The New York Fed, for example, is solely responsible for conducting
open market operations, at the direction of the Federal Open Market Committee.
[24] Democratic Congressman
Carter Glass sponsored and wrote the eventual legislation,
[10] and his home state capital of Richmond, Virginia, was made a district headquarters. Democratic Senator
James A. Reed of Missouri obtained two districts for his state.
[25] However, the 1914 report of the Federal Reserve Organization Committee, which clearly laid out the rationale for their decisions on establishing Reserve Bank districts in 1914, showed that it was based almost entirely upon current correspondent banking relationships.
[26] To quell
Elihu Root's objections to possible inflation, the passed bill included provisions that the bank must hold at least 40% of its outstanding loans in gold. (In later years, to stimulate short-term economic activity, Congress would amend the act to allow more discretion in the amount of gold that must be redeemed by the Bank.)
[6] Critics of the time (later joined by economist
Milton Friedman) suggested that Glass's legislation was almost entirely based on the Aldrich Plan that had been derided as giving too much power to elite bankers. Glass denied copying Aldrich's plan. In 1922, he told Congress, "no greater misconception was ever projected in this Senate Chamber."
[20]